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Why Constantine Legalized Christianity
Constantine the Great legalized Christianity to unite a Roman Empire fractured by crises and to secure the support of a rapidly growing and well-organized religious community;
his first joint decree was the Edict of Milan in 313.
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Political calculation:
The empire was undergoing a severe crisis, and Constantine sought a new spiritual and social foundation to strengthen his power.
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Personal conviction:
According to tradition, before the decisive battle at the Milvian Bridge in 312, he saw a sign of the cross in the sky bearing the inscription
"Conquer by this"
(In hoc signo vinces)
and ordered Christian symbols to be marked on the soldiers' shields.
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Cessation of repressions:
For a long time, Christians were subjected to severe persecution (especially under Diocletian), and the emperor decided to put an end to internal religious conflicts.
The Edict of Milan of 313
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Freedom of religion:
Christianity ceased to be a forbidden religion (religio illicita)
and was granted equal rights with other cults within the territory of the empire.
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Return of property:
Under the decree, all previously confiscated lands and buildings were returned to Christians.
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Cessation of persecution:
The edict officially prohibited any state persecution of believers.
Financial and legal support
Constantine endowed the church with immense privileges to strengthen its influence:
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Tax incentives:
The Christian clergy was completely exempted from paying taxes and performing public obligations.
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Church construction:
Grand basilicas were built using state funds (including St. Peter's Basilica in Rome and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem).
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Legal status:
The Church gained the right to own property and receive bequests, making it the wealthiest institution. Bishops were also granted the right to preside over civil courts (episcopalis audientia).
The role of
"arbiter"
and the struggle against schisms
Constantine believed that the unity of the empire depended directly on religious unity. Faced with internal disputes among Christians, he began to intervene personally in matters of dogma:
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The Struggle Against Donatism (313–316):
When a schism erupted in North Africa over disputes regarding priests who had lapsed during the persecutions, Constantine convened councils in Rome and Arles and subsequently used force against the schismatics. This marked the first instance of the state punishing Christians at the behest of other Christians.
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The Arian Crisis:
The dispute between the Alexandrian presbyter Arius and Bishop Alexander regarding the divine nature of Christ threatened to tear apart the eastern part of the empire. Constantine realized that this theological dispute was undermining political stability.
First Council of Nicaea (325)
The pinnacle of the alliance between Constantine and the Church was the First Ecumenical Council of Nicaea, which the emperor personally convened and funded:
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Chairmanship:
Constantine, being a pagan (he had not yet been baptized), opened the council and actively participated in the discussions, seating the bishops as if they were state officials.
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Nicene Creed:
Under pressure from the emperor, the council condemned Arianism and affirmed the formula of the consubstantiality of God the Father and God the Son.
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State sanctions:
For the first time, the decisions of the council acquired the status of state laws—dissenting bishops and priests (including Arius himself)
were sent into exile by imperial authority.
Deathbed baptism (337)
Despite immense support from the Church, Constantine remained the high priest of the pagan cult (Pontifex Maximus)
throughout his life and postponed his own baptism until the very end. He was baptized only shortly before his death in 337 by the Arian bishop Eusebius of Nicomedia—a move that reflected his complex political maneuvering among the various factions of the Church.
The Birth of Caesaropapism
Until the 4th century, the Church was independent of the state, as it existed illegally. After 313, the situation changed radically:
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The Emperor as
"External Bishop":
Constantine himself proclaimed himself
"bishop of external affairs"
(episcopos ton ektos). This meant that while the hierarchs governed the Church from within, the emperor controlled its boundaries, security, doctrinal unity, and laws.
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Convening of councils:
Only the emperor had the right to convene Ecumenical Councils. Without his signature, no dogmatic decision acquired the force of state law.
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Personnel appointments:
Rulers began to directly influence the selection of patriarchs and bishops. The emperor could simply send clergy who displeased him into exile, as happened with Arius or Athanasius the Great.
Institutionalization and the
"Secularization"
of the Church
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Empire as a Matrix:
The administrative division of the Church exactly mirrored that of Rome. Ecclesiastical territories came to be known as
dioceses, and bishops acquired authority comparable to that of Roman magistrates.
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Bishops-bureaucrats:
The higher clergy gained the right to adjudicate civil cases, as well as tax exemptions and state salaries. This attracted people to the Church who sought not faith, but careers and political influence.
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Loss of autonomy:
In exchange for financial support and protection against heretics, the church had to pay with a portion of its freedom, subordinating its interests to those of the state.
The transition from the persecuted to the persecutors
Perhaps the most dramatic change was the Church's attitude toward dissent:
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Suppression of heresies by state power:
While Christians had previously engaged in verbal disputes, the faction that triumphed at the council now used Roman legions to suppress its opponents. Christians began to persecute other Christians (Donatists, Arians).
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Pressure on pagans:
From a defender of freedom of conscience (as proclaimed in the Edict of Milan in 313), the Church gradually transformed into a monopolist. Throughout the fourth century, pagan temples began to close, and their property was confiscated for the benefit of the Church.
Bloody troubles with the Copts
The Christological controversies of the 5th century led to the tragic division of the Christian Church following the Council of Chalcedon (451). The demand to accept the
"formula"
of the Council of Chalcedon—in essence, the
"formula"
of an unresolved dispute—led to the extermination of the Copts as a people.
The
"formula"
refers to the Chalcedonian Definition of Faith (dyophysitism), which affirmed that two natures—divine and human—are united in Christ
"without confusion, without change, without division, without separation"
(in Greek:
ἀσυγχύτως, ἀτρέπτως, ἀδιαιρέτως, ἀχωρίστως).
The Copts (Egyptian Christians)
rejected this formula, remaining faithful to the Alexandrian theological tradition (Miaphysitism), which acknowledges
"one incarnate nature of God the Word."
From that point on, their faith became a cause for severe persecution by the Byzantine Empire and the Western Church.
The difference between the two positions boils down to the following:
| Criterion |
Alexandrian Tradition
(Copts / Miaphysitism) |
Chalcedonian tradition
(Dyophysitism) |
| The main formula |
"One incarnate nature of God the Word"
(formula of St. Cyril of Alexandria) |
"One Christ in two natures"
(The Chalcedonian Definition) |
| The essence of the position |
Divinity and humanity merged into a
single, unique God-man nature.
They are not separated;
they cannot be conceived as two distinct entities following the Incarnation. |
Christ exists in two natures—divine and human.
They retain their properties but are united in one Person (Hypostasis). |
| Key terms |
Miaphysitism (from the Greek
physis
— nature, as a single whole) |
Dyophysitism (from the Greek
dyo
— two,
physis
— nature) |
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The position's greatest fear
|
If Christ is divided into
"two natures,"
it follows that only the man suffered on the Cross, while God remained apart. This undermines the very essence of humanity's salvation.
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If the natures were merged into one, Christ’s human nature would dissolve into the divine (like a drop of honey in the ocean). In that case, Christ would not be truly human, and He would not have saved mankind.
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Formula of the union
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Without division, without separation
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Without confusion, without change, without division, without separation
(four
"not")
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The formula
"without confusion, without change, without division, without separation"
(in Greek:
ἀσυγχύτως, ἀτρέπτως, ἀδιαιρέτως, ἀχωρίστως)
was formulated by the Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon in
451.
These four negative terms (apophatic definitions)
formed the basis of the Council’s principal document—the
Chalcedonian Horos
(Definition of Faith).
This formula has specific originators and a historical context:
- Chief visionary:
Pope
Leo I the Great. A year before the council, he wrote a famous letter (the
"Tome to Flavian")
in which he explained in detail how the divine and the human coexist in Christ. The Greek Fathers of the council took his Latin ideas and translated them into the precise philosophical language of Greek theology.
- Who was this directed against:
- The first two words (without confusion, without change)
refuted
the heresy of Eutyches (Monophysitism), who held that human nature was dissolved into the divine.
- The second two words (without division, without separation)
definitively settled the issue of
the heresy of Nestorius, who separated Christ too sharply, turning Him into two distinct beings.
Surprisingly, the Church of Alexandria took no issue with any of these four words individually. The primary and most vehement objection raised by the Alexandrians was directed not at these four
"nots,"
but
at a single small Greek preposition—the preposition
"in"
(ἐν)—in the context of the assertion that Christ is known
"in two natures."
For Alexandria, this was a disaster, and here is why:
- The essence of the claim:
The great Alexandrian theologian Cyril of Alexandria used the formula
"from two natures"
(ἐκ δύο φύσεων). This meant that, prior to the Incarnation, the Divinity and humanity could theoretically be conceived of separately, but at the moment of the Incarnation, they united to form a single God-man reality.
- Why the preposition
"in"
ruined everything:
When the Council of Chalcedon proclaimed that Christ exists
"in
two natures"
(ἐν δύο φύσεσιν), Alexandria perceived this as a form of crypto-Nestorianism. It seemed to them that if there were two natures even after the union, then Christ was divided and His integrity destroyed.
But what about the four
"nots"?
The Alexandrians ardently supported the terms
"without separation"
and
"without division,"
as these fit perfectly into their logic of a single Christ. They also accepted the terms
"without confusion"
and
"without change,"
since the moderate wing of the Alexandrian school—unlike the radical heretic Eutyches—never claimed that Christ’s humanity was dissolved into the Divinity or that it had altered its essence.
Thus, the schism arose not from a denial that the natures are united
"without confusion"
or
"without division,"
but because Chalcedon affirmed the
duality of natures as a permanent fact following the Incarnation
(using the preposition
"in"), whereas Alexandria insisted on
absolute unity
(using the preposition
"from").
A brutal, bloody massacre
Thus, in essence, purely theological disagreements among the episcopate—which ought to have been resolved patiently and persistently—led to a bloody outcome for ordinary Christians who had little grasp of theology.
Here is how the modern Coptic priest Father Lazarus describes the massacre of the Copts:
And after we split, the Roman Catholic Church and the Byzantine Church simply have been killing us. They killed us because we didn't accept this formula. … There were stories of one story where
30 000
people were killed. … And then another where
200 000
people were killed at once.
200,000.
… So, according to estimates, in Egypt alone there were between
500 000
and a million.
In Syria, there were probably more. They killed all the bishops and priests. Only three bishops remained.
Internal reaction: The emergence of monasticism
Christian society reacted to this alliance with a deep internal schism:
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A Crisis of Ideals:
Many believers felt that the church had
"sold out"
to the empire, mired in luxury, compromises, and political intrigues.
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Retreat into the deserts:
It was in the fourth century, as a direct reaction to the secularization of the Church, that the
mass flourishing of monasticism
began. Individuals faithful to the spirit of early Christianity withdrew into the Egyptian and Syrian deserts to flee the
"Christian empire"
and preserve the purity of the faith through asceticism.
Религия XIX века — вещь очень жалкая
Наконец-то, “Институционализация и «обмирщение» церкви” проявило себя во всей красе. Католичество превратилась в государственно-подобное учреждение
(Святой Престол). Православие стало государственной религией в Российской Империи.
“Современная религия есть вещь очень жалкая — собственно говоря, религии как господствующего начала, как центра духовного тяготения, нет совсем, а есть вместо этого так называемая религиозность, как личное настроение, личный вкус: одни имеют этот вкус, другие нет, как одни любят музыку, другие — нет”
(Владимир Соловьев).
… I say that those who at the present time refuse religion are right, because religion appears in reality not what it ought to be.
Religion, speaking generally and abstractly, is the connection of man and the world with the unconditional beginning, which is the focus of all that exists. … If we admit the existence of such an unconditional centre, thenall points on the circle of life must be linked to that centre with equal radii. It is only then that unity, wholeness, and accord appear in the life and consciousness of man. It is only then that all his deeds and sufferings in life, great or small, are transmuted into intelligent, inwardly necessary
events
from a state of aimless and senseless
phenomena.
It is quite certain that such all-embracing,
central importance
must belong to
the religious principle,
once it is admitted at all;
and it is equally indubitable that in reality, for the contemporary civilized humanity, even for that part of it which recognizes the religious principle,
religion does not possess
this all-embracing and central importance. Instead of being all in all, it hides in a very small and remote corner of our inner world, and appears as one of a multitude of the different interests which divide our attention.
Contemporary religion represents a very pitiful thing:
properly speaking,
religion as the dominating principle, as the centre of spiritual attraction,
does not exist today;
instead, there is the so-called religiosity as a personal mood, a personal taste: some people have this taste, others do not, just as some people like music and others do not.
In the absence of the unconditional centring
[of all interests in religion]
we have as many relative, temporary centres of life and consciousness as we have different requirements and interests, tastes and inclinations, opinions and points of view.
It would be superfluous to dwell upon the mental and moral discord and the lack of principle, at present prevalent in the realm of society as well as in the minds and hearts of the individuals, for that fact is too well known to anyone at all introspective or observant.
Pagan elements of life under a Christian name
Under Constantine the Great, a type of Christian emerged—the dissembler or hypocrite—such as had never been seen before.
Later, paganism was banned by law, and—with the exception of a scattered handful of barely tolerated Jews—every subject of the Greco-Roman Empire was compelled to be a Christian under pain of severe criminal penalties.
From this point of view, the cessation of persecution and the official recognition of the new religion, first as a full-fledged, and then as the dominant religion, actually produced an important change for the worse. Under Constantine the Great and under Constantius, the pagan masses were brought to Christianity not out of conviction, but out of slavish imitation or selfish calculation. An unprecedented type of feigned Christians, hypocrites, has appeared. It multiplied even more when, under Theodosius, and finally under Justinian, paganism was prohibited by law and, except for a scattered handful of semi-tolerant Jews, every subject of the Greco-Roman Empire was forcibly obliged to be a Christian under pain of severe criminal penalties. Of course, between the type of Christians formed in this way, unwillingly, under pressure, and the remaining type of true Christians, many transitional shades of superficial and indifferent Christianity were formed, according to deep conviction. But all this, without any distinction, was covered up by the general organization of the external church, in which all categories of internal dignity were erased and mixed up. The former really Christian society blurred and dissolved into
a Christian community in name, but in fact — a pagan
community. The overwhelming majority of superficial Christians not only actually preserved the pagan beginnings of life under a Christian name, but tried in every possible way - partly instinctively, and partly consciously — to establish alongside Christianity, to legitimize and perpetuate the old pagan order, excluding in principle the task of its internal renewal in the spirit of Christ. It was here that the first foundation was laid for that
Christian-pagan compromise,
which determined the medieval world outlook and life.
The Christian-pagan compromise is when life remains as before pagan, the worldly kingdom remains worldly, and the Kingdom of God, being not of this world, remains outside the world, as a mere appendage to the worldly kingdom.
But when the pagan world accepted Christianity, it was not a matter of actual compromise, which was already there, but of principle. Most of the new converts wanted things to stay the same. They recognized the truth of Christianity as an external fact and entered into some external formal relations with it, but only so that their life remained as before pagan, so that the worldly kingdom remained worldly, and the Kingdom of God, being not of this world, would remain outside the world, without any vital influence on it, i.e. would have remained as a useless adornment, as a mere appendage to the worldly kingdom.
Published:
October 17, 2026
See also
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Pseudo-Kodinos,
Treatise on the Dignities and Offices (mid-14th c.);
ed. and trans.
Ruth Macrides, J. A. Munitiz and Dimiter Angelov,
Pseudo-Kodinos and the Constantinopolitan Court: Offices and Ceremonies (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013).
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Warren T. Woodfin,
The Embodied Icon: Liturgical Vestments and Sacramental Power in Byzantium (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).
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Pauline Johnstone,
The Byzantine Tradition in Church Embroidery (London: Alec Tiranti, 1967).
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Nicolai Berdyaev,
The Origin of Russian Communism
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Vladimir Solovyov,
The Burning Bush:
Writings on Jews and Judaism
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"Constantine the Great"
on
Google Books
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